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(Transcription of the section on the iron mines)
This document has often been quoted, but has not been discussed in detail. It comprises three sections: accounts from May 1531 (23 Henry VIII) to April 1532 for the mining operation, a description of the mines and iron mill probably dating to the early summer of 1532, and a list of the King’s forests in the area.
The apparent commencement of iron-mining within the park is
described in a set of accounts for mining operations for lead and iron in the
Park of Cloune during 1531-1532. The initial phase (May – August 1531) of this
work opened up lead mines using 11 labourers, but from August 1531 iron was
being worked too, with a new team of 12 labourers up until the end of the
accounts in April 1532. The figures quoted as having been charged to the crown
for wages and tools correspond reasonably with the amounts having been paid
from the Privy Purse Expences of Henry VIII August 31st 1530 (23l 16s 6d;
this date appears a year too early and may perhaps refer to the 23l 13s 4d
received by Ellis around 15th September 1531) and by Cromwell
(Master of the Jewels) on 5th August 1532 (33l 6s
8d).
The document then includes a description of the state of the workings given by John Ellis (master of the mines) and William Monmouth, but also stating that the mines were inspected by Christopher Morris. This description is rather at variance with the preceding accounts, for it describes three lead mines each worked by four men, together with the iron mine, dug by a team of three, in other words a total of 15 miners. The iron ore was conveyed to forge by a man and his horse. The forge was operated by a team of four blowers, under a foreman. Three blowers were operating the bellows at any one time, and each bloom of 1cwt took 6-7 hours to produce, with two blooms being made per day. Three cwt of ore makes at least two cwt of iron, the daily production. Three colliers were employed to make charcoal for the forge. The description ends with an offer by Ellis and Monmouth to lease the mines for the same price as the estimated profit to the crown, namely 40 talents for the iron mines.
The final page of the document lists the King’s forests of the district. Although the previous section of the document makes it likely that charcoal burning was taking place with the park, this appended list implies that consideration was being given to an expanded operation.
There are several interesting facets to this section of the document. Most importantly the details of the smelting operation give a rare insight into the operation of a late bloomery furnace. The total stated iron production of 21cwt sent to Bristol, 2 cwt at the mine and twenty cwt of ore ready to be smelted, suggest only 12 days smelting (at 2 blooms / day) have actually taken place. The team of blowers also doubled up as “hewars” of the iron after it had been smelted; presumably providing the labour for the bloomsmithing. The absence of these forge workers from the accounts may suggest that the forge had only commenced operations after the accounting period, in other words that it was set up in the early summer of 1532.
There is no evidence that the suggestion by Ellis and Monmouth that the King lease them the mines was taken up. However, the estimated profit from the iron mines is precisely twenty times the sum for which the crown leased to Kendall in 1540 (2 talents = 26s 8d) and the forests named in the 1540 lease are all included on the list appended to the 1532 accounts. This suggests that this document was considered carefully during the definition of the Kendall lease.
This document records a visit by Christopher Morris (referred to in contemporary documents as “gunner”, but shortly afterwards as “the King’s master gunner”) to the King’s mines of lead and iron near Llantrisant, in the company of Mark Raffel, and is dated June 9th. It seems possible that this visit is the same occasion referred to in the Ellis and Monmouth report (see above) and is therefore may have been in 1532, but the document has usually been taken to date from 1531 (therefore dating to a time earlier than the finding of the “iron myndes” described in the Ellis and Monmouth accounts, despite the references to iron). George Mathew is described as overseer of the mine, and the tone of the letter suggests that the search for silver was the main purpose of the Llantrisant mining project.
The discussion of the iron works is poorly preserved, but appears to centre around the blowing technique. Raffel apparently criticised the amount of iron being left in the slag and proposes reduction of the workforce in the “blowing house”.
Leland states that “There were 2 fair parkes by South of Llantrssent now outpallid and without deare. There is now yren made in one of these parkes named Glinnog”.
On June 8th 1540 (32 Henry VIII) the king granted William Kendall of Launceston the lease to mine and work iron in, and within three miles of, Cloune Park, for 21 years (from Christmas 1539) for a yearly rent of 26s 8d (or 2 marks, exactly one twentieth of Ellis and Monmouth’s estimate of 40 marks annual profit). The grant also covered the mining and working of other metals for the profit of the crown. The lease is is recorded in PRO C82/769 (the writ of privy seal) and C66/697 membrane 15 (the enrolment of the grant). The grant includes the right to build ponds, ditches and leats to supply the iron mills, which might be built where thought most appropriate within three miles of the park. The grant also covers the use of timber for the making and repairing of the mills and houses, as well as for the production of charcoal, from the King’s forests of the district, providing that the wood was taken using appropriate methods. The yearly rent was 27/8d.
The forests named as sources for building timber, firewood and charcoal are given as Talsan (Talavan), Carthmaylocke (Garthmaelog), Kairgriff (Allt Griffith), Quotkade (Coed Cadw?), Carth, Marrowurth (Maes yr allt?), the olde and newe fforest (in Coity?).
PRO SC6/Henry VIII/7493 Lordships of Miskin Senghenydd and Glynrhondda (1542)
PRO E 36/158 John Malefant’s Lands including Talyvan and Wenvoe.
Clun Ministers’ accounts listed as PRO SC 6 / Henry VIII/5146-5149 (1543-7)
Kendall almost immediately transfered the lease to Thomas Lyncolne, to whom he was in in debt. Thomas Lyncolne similarly, only two days later, passed the lease on to John Sadler, Alderman of London. John Sadler apparently developed the mines, but they were repossessed by Kendall in late 1541 or 1542. The documents placed before the Lord Chancellor include the complaint of John Sadler (PRO C1/1062/1), the answer of William Kendall (PRO C1/1062/2) and a third document of uncertain significance (PRO C1/1062/3), but all three are only partially legible. The ruling of the Lord Chancellor, dated 22nd August 1544 (XXXVI Henry VIII), is however clear and tells an interesting story of financial iregularities (PRO C78/1/74).
It appears that Kendall was in debt to Lyncolne for £600, and that this debt was covered by statute of the staple for £800. The statute was passed, together with other “writings”, by Lyncolne to Sadler. Those other documents appear to have included the lease for the iron mine. However, Kendall and Lyncolne made an agreement (31st July 1540 – less than 2 months after the initial grant) allowing one year and one month for Kendall to settle with Lyncolne, in which case the various “writings” would be returned to Kendall and he be released from the statute. It appears that he did so, however by this time Sadler was working the iron mine. Kendall apparently returned to the Court of Chancery and requested a replacement for his “lost” lease of the mines. Kendall then dispossessed Sadler of the mines by force. Sadler took his complaint at these actions to the Court of Chancery, and the ruling issued by the Lord Chancellor on 22nd August 1544. Sadler was allowed to keep the mines, in exchange for releasing Kendall from the statute for £800. Kendall was not to interfere with the mine in any way. Kendall would be bound, however, by a Recognizance of Chancery for £1000 to keep the terms of the judgement
One interesting aspect of the judgement is that it uses, by way of evidence of the items at the mine funded by Sadler, an inventory of the mine taken by the mine manager, Thomas Oabye of Cranbrook, Kent.
The lordships of Miskin, Glynrhondda, Miskin Forest and the borough of Llantrisant were leased to William Herbert in August 1546, for a period of 21 years. The lease includes the reversion of the lease to mine iron in the Park of Cloune, stated to be in the parishes of Llantrisant and Pentyrch. This seems likely to be a reference to both the iron mines of Cloune and those of Pentyrch (around the lesser Garth, some 6km east of the Cloune Park mines).
By this grant William Herbert also acquired the lordships of Ruthin, Llanblethian, Radyr and others, as well as the forest of Talyvan.
In the following year his rents were remitted on all these Glamorgan holdings, and he became Lord Herbert of Cardiff and the 1st Earl of Pembroke of the 2nd creation.
The Lower Park is described in this rental as being leased to Llewelyn Traherne, with mineral rights excluded. Mwyndy appears in this rental as in the hands of Jennetta ferch Williams, formerly of Morgan Matthew (of Sweldon), with a rent of 9d. Previous tenants mentioned in the 1570 survey are usually those identified as tenants in the 1542 Ministers’ accounts – and therefore the tenant at the time of the lost Tuck survey of 1540.
Merrick states that “Yren is made on the south part of the hill wherupon Llantrissent is builded”. This statement is interesting, for although it is usually taken to refer to the Park of Cloune, the wide lowlands of the Clun valley rather markedly separate localities such as Mwyndy from the hilltop situation of Llantrisant. The same range of hills does have on its south side the Rhiwsaeson locality (although this is actually 2km ESE of Llantrisant), and the Lanelai Fach site (1km WSW of the town). The statement is, at best, ambiguous evidence for persistence of smelting in the area of the park.
Meyrick also mentions, speaking of Glamorgan in general, “wherein lie many fforests and woodes wherof many in our daye about iron milles were spoyled and consumed”.
In his entry for Ruthny (Ruthin) he states “And in the same lordship there are ii forestas, the one called Arthmaylwg and the other Alltgriffith. The woodes were sould to the Iron workes” (Rees, W. 19..).
The return for Llantrisant mentions “Iron mines under the town of Llantrissent at Pont y Felin Newydd” (this was the earlier name given to the hamlet later renamed Miskin, rather than necessarily referring to the bridge itself).